Contributions of Ethnic Minorities in the UK to Global Trade through Business Enterprises
This article explores the significant contributions of ethnic minority communities in the UK to global trade, highlighting their role in driving business innovation, cross-border commerce, and economic growth. It also delves into emerging niche areas—such as tech start-ups, creative industries, and sustainable enterprises—where these communities are uniquely positioned to create lasting impact and global influence.
Dr A D Olushina
1/15/202529 min read


Introduction
Despite the case-based character of much that is written on migrant and minority enterprise in the broadest sense, within academic social sciences more generally it has been a relatively neglected field. Indeed, it has remained largely ‘terra incognita’ to all but the most specialised students of enterprise, ethnicity, migration, urban economy, or political sociology. This near silence on migrant and minority enterprise contrasts powerfully with levels of policy-involvement and public concern it often provokes, as well as with its such seemingly vast contemporary and historical importance for topics as disparate as global trade, social mobility and economic regeneration. There have been significant gaps in the understanding of the political economy of migrant and minority enterprise, as much more needs to be known of the relationships between these businesses, both to other local enterprise and to wider political-economic institutions (Sepulveda et al., 2008). There remains a similar deficit in the understanding of the global dimensions of ethnic minority economic activity and of migrant and minority entrepreneurship as a prelude or through route to other forms of economic activity on the part of both individuals and groups. In particular, there is virtually no literature on the relations between ethnic minority enterprises in Britain and the various Asian, African and Caribbean ‘diasporas’ with which they are simultaneously connected.
41 current ethnic minority communities in England and Wales have a population of over 10,000 people each, 16 of these minority groups run more than 10,000 businesses, 0.4% of the UK's population of over 15 year olds in employment are Asian or Black entrepreneurs in any activity, 6 Asian and 4 Black male entrepreneurs for every 100 White, Indian or Chinese male entrepreneurs. The Bangladeshi and Pakistani populations have 44% and 30% of their people living in poverty respectively compared with 29% across all ethnic groups. Bangladeshis have the lowest employment rate, only 20.7% of Bangladeshi women have a job. The median annual income for African Caribbean men is about £3000 less than the annual income for the UK average male worker (Sepulveda et al., 2008). Home Office figures suggest that around 4.9% of ethnic minorities are unemployed, Asian entrepreneurs have a 2.8% unemployment rate, this rises to 9.3% for Black entrepreneurs, and then falls to 7.3% for White people. Black entrepreneurs have a sting in the tail as they suffer the highest unemployment rate of any group, a massive 20%, 52.5% of Bangladeshi unemployed people were self-employed, and for Pakistani's this figure was 46.4%; both of these are higher than the figures for other groups. NFC data shows that more than 50% of Black enterprises entered business as a result of becoming unemployed. There are more Black self-employed people than Black people who are either directors or in the professions, traders have hardest time breaking into mainstream occupations, Bangladeshi's predict they would never become a director of a large company, Black people have the highest refusal rate for a bank loan, Asian businesses are less likely to receive a loan as a business grows, it is mainly all White and Black people who form partnerships and employ staff. Under 3% of Bangladeshi and Pakistani owned businesses have employees; Caribbean businesses fare little better at about 5%.
Over the past decade, the presence of ethnic minority entrepreneurs in British cities has become a fact of great significance affecting the wealth of communities created over generations. New migrant communities arrive in the UK and grow at a time of mass migration and radical changes in the global economy; and whilst doing so they often locate in the urban settings vacated by older established communities. Both responses point toward the increasingly complex socio-economic geography of British cities in the 21st century (Sepulveda et al., 2008). The combination of continuities and discontinuities, co-operatives and conflicts, reflects similarity and diversity among these communities in the way they have engaged with business and trade.
Without doubt, one of the most ready and well-documented responses of established ethnic minorities upon arrival has been the establishment of trade networks, focusing on a range of goods intensively associated with particular ‘diaspora’ – spices and vegetables for Indian traders, Chinese foods and decorations for Chinese traders – and located on high streets predominately serving co-ethnics. Examples of such trade are frequent across the UK, with new research particularly focused on entrenched communities forming more permanent global trading links with developing countries. This phenomenon might also be seen in a contested light, in which efforts at securing an economic presence (albeit often marginal) by newly arrived minorities find themselves attacked violently by ‘old’ working class Englishmen, who perceive the new enterprises – by virtue of their perceived ‘unfair’ competition – as unwelcome agents of economic change. It thus raises the question of the fundamental relationship between global trade, and specifically the movement of people and goods, and the localized, urban manifestations of that process.
Ethnic minority-owned businesses (EMBs) are recognised by the UK government and the EC as a growing sector of the economy. Ethnic minority entrepreneurs are often portrayed as exceptionally enterprising with a knack for commerce. It is suggested that ethnic minorities’ willingness to pool financial resources is a feature that puts migrants to small business at a competitive advantage in a cold economic climate. Migrants who are disappointed at the lack of job opportunities in the formal economy turn to the liquid economy as an alternative – viewing the cold economic climate thesis. Similar, minority and migrant entrepreneurs are seen as wandering as geese. Business ventures or activities are taken up in order to have a pool of funds to go back home to, the idea being not to become a permanent capitalist in the west but to earn enough to return back and start up a comfortable life back in India, Pakistan, or Bangladesh. It is hypothesised that this motivation to accumulate capital implies a higher tolerance for risk among Lave market enterprises.
Research and policy within the field of diversity and SMEs is characterised by a number of tensions. Perhaps the most significant of these the term ‘diversity’ encompasses a wide range of characteristics such as ethnic origin, gender, age, disability, and sexual orientation, all of which present particular challenges for small firms. At the same time small firm policy tends to be focused and targeted upon a relatively narrow set of objectives, particularly growth, innovation, and access to finance. Consequently, a policy focus that is attentive to the distinctive needs of ethnic minority businesses may risk diluting impacts in other areas of policy interest, whilst initiatives relevant to other minority groups may fail to confront the differentiated set of challenges facing ethnic minority businesses. In each instance, the potential for tension when addressing a dynamic, diverse, and multifaceted phenomenon, such as ethnicity, via policy measures that are inevitably rather blunt becomes all too clear.
Ethnic minorities in the UK tend to become more involved in the business world either because of limited employment opportunities or family cultural background. Whilst one understanding of being an ethnic minority is ‘non-white’, the immigrants are from different cultures. However, as the term ‘ethnic minority’ created and is used by the Government and other agencies, it refers to people originated from China, Africa, India, Bangladesh, and the Caribbean (Sepulveda et al., 2008). Ethnic minorities in general are underprivileged causing financial exclusion and lack of access to proper banking services. A significant percentage of people from these groups run small business in the retail and other sectors. For example, in Glasgow Priory quarters market area is dominated by Bangladeshi business owners, family running the shops (Ullah et al., 2017). There is no doubt these small shops have contributed significantly to global trade with b2b and b2c business operations. There is a long history of merchant links between Scotland and countries in Africa and Asia including Indonesia. Members of ethnic groups, who have chosen to settle in the UK, have direct business links with their native country as well as in European markets. Ties between businessmen based in Wales, UK and Indonesian business operators can be traced back to the mid 18th century when Geographical indications literally chased from Celebes and Manchester textile manufacturers stationing the transactions via the Dutch East India Company. Indonesia, the country famous for caffeinated products, still possesses a significant number of resources that can be exploited and exported to the UK and European markets.
Market Barriers
As the United Kingdom becomes an increasingly multicultural society, global diversity driven by flows of capital, population and trade from one world city-region to another is changing the urban landscapes of advanced industrial nations. New patterns of minority settlement, in localities and economies previously unfamiliar to ethno-politan populations, are generating visual and noticeable changes that present novel economic, ‘social’, and cultural challenges to the host locations (Sepulveda et al., 2008).
2.1 Emerging Economic Change This phenomenon is particularly evident in the new business enterprise activity of recently arrived diaspora communities from around the world. The current and recently arrived communities continue centuries of trade-led and other economic exchange between the UK and further a field. New settlers are adept at creating or adapting micro-economic niches and informal business opportunities; they are said to be active trades-people. Determined individuals act out traditions or patterns of exchange that they have long maintained within the old world’s national and regional specialties of goods, services, and adapt goods being sold in the UK.
2.2 Market Barriers It could be posited, taking the above reputed activity to be partially true, that ethnic and other trade-based communities contribute positive values to the goods and services, and even to the structure, of the UK’s economy. However manifest concern that arises in contest with positivist views, and in concert with the UK press portrayal of the ‘business activity experienced by the non-specialist public, is the extensive notion that in the domestic trade exploitative interests, defective structures and disadvantaged trade practices are being consolidated and that, over time, such dissonance between ‘normative’ and perceived trade activity may create deeper trade-enclave barriers.
The market practices and functionality of Manchester’s Pakistani/Indian ethnic business are investigated on the basis of a twenty-four months business survey, attempting therefore a useful contribution to a more evidence-based debate on plural domestic trade. For items sales, display and interior perceptions, scale and locational efficiency, and workforce stratification all point towards a structurally different, alienated and barrier type ethnic niche.
Niche Areas for Future Growth
This is a pertinent and challenging task given that these groups are highly diverse and exhibit features that have a different point of departure from the more established Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) business communities. While South and East Asian businesses have provided the key text on ethnic minority entrepreneurship over the past 20 years, since the 1990s, there has been substantial change, both in the migration waves populating, and the nascent enterprises transforming the UK's largest city. What has emerged is a highly diverse mix of micro multicultural entrepreneurs with rapidly rising rates of business formation and failure. This case study of two parallel ‘A8’ networks in the food sector suggests that routes into informal enterprise activities for emerging, new and/or previously non-existent minority groups are not only more complex and varied than conventional entrepreneurial theory would suggest, but also less ‘ethnic’ (Sepulveda et al., 2008). This phenomenon is particularly evident in the global ‘ethnic supermarket’ in contemporary London. The paper will address this challenge by exploring the current understanding of entrepreneurship among new and emerging ethnic minority business communities and the relationship between such enterprise activity and business networks. It will situate the emergence of new migrant business groups within such networks within the processes of labour market segmentation and regulatory frameworks, interrogating the sectoral and locational dimensions of some of the ‘niches’ in which they have been shown to engage. Three possible theoretical frameworks are suggested to help interpret this phenomenon (ethnic economy, the mixed embeddedness model and democratic business networking), arguing that it is a combination of the last two and misuse of the first that are the key forces driving the new trend. The paper concludes that policy requires a more nuanced understanding of such contemporary enterprise activity, and suggest action in areas of development support, improved regulations and a new wave of business partnerships between established and emerging entrepreneurs.
Technology and Innovation
The perceived contribution and impact of the new ethnic minority communities on global trade presents business and policy makers with significant challenges and opportunities. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the global ‘ethnic supermarket’ that is contemporary London. The paper will therefore seek to address this challenge by exploring the current understanding of the nature of entrepreneurship among new and emerging ethnic minority business communities and the complex relationship between such enterprise activity and the UK institutional business framework. The aim is to highlight the factors which currently inhibit consequential engagement with these diverse groups and to provide a basis for the development of policy strategies that can effectively engage with these groups, particularly with respect to the current interest in the possibilities for enabling transition from informal into formal enterprise activity.
Sustainable Business Practices
Some EM entrepreneurs and retailers are already giving increasing attention to the concept of corporate social Responsibility (CSR). Whilst there is a recognition of the importance of paying attention to the quality of the business environment in order to consolidate influence and enhance legitimacy in changing planning and retail systems, a number of companies regulated by the institutional framework are seeking practices of innovation for which their customers and employees profit from business participation in societal progresses. New responsibilities are seen in including the observation of strict ethics guidelines in sourcing activities for stores targeting a relatively small consumer base recruited worldwide.
Cultural and Creative Industries
Cultural and Creative Industries encompass the role of ethnic minority enterprises in the UK. This highlights the significance of the business rise of ethnic minorities in British cities, including retailing, wholesale, manufacturing, transport, property services, catering & hospitality, etc. (Sepulveda et al., 2008). This phenomenon, a product of the increasingly complex socio-economic geography in British cities due to globalisation and mass migration, is evident in contemporary London. Various studies focus on the entrepreneurship patterns among South Asian minorities, emphasizing tacit skill formation and the market incorporation of immigrants. Employees provide a mobile and flexible work force. Examination of mixed embeddedness highlights how migrant entrepreneurs navigate formal and informal economies.
Support for Minority-Owned Businesses
The Government recognises the diversity of the business population in the UK. Since 1997 a number of support initiatives have been developed targeting different sectors of the entrepreneurial population. The Foundation’s goals are to identify government funded projects that have been effective in helping minority businesses and to consider what more needs to be done.
The growth and success of a business can be largely determined by the owner/entrepreneur and their qualifications and experience, the owner can play a key role in areas of marketing and growth, and the owner’s width and depth of business knowledge can have an impact. Yet, the best SME development programmes for the owner’s qualifications and experience can also affect other process measures of growth. Business support policy is based on the assumption that support can increase the growth of small or medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). However, more than a decade of research in this area has produced mixed results. This is a matter of some concern, given that SMEs typically constitute a very large proportion of enterprises in most regional economies. Small business see growth as having occurred if turnover has increased, but the government have all the support programmes to encourage capital growth (Carter et al., 2013). Alternatively growth could be seen in terms of economic growth or job creation, but there are very few small businesses (SBs) with the potential to achieve significant growth in these areas.
BREXIT Implications
The UK’s departure from the EU, due on October 31st, 2019 will undoubtedly have far-reaching implications for changing the institutional and regulatory frameworks within which business operates in the future. Moreover, the UK international business community might be particularly affected (Filippaios, 2019). A common sentiment shared amongst international business has to do with the increased uncertainty related to policy changes that will follow in due time as a consequence of a change in access to the EU and its established national markets. The internationalisation literature focuses on the behaviour of micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) across borders (Escaith, 2018). However, not enough emphasis has been made on the implications of Brexit to the internationalisation strategy of multinationals, as well as to the performance of export-led clusters and industries striving to increase and diversify their external engagement. Furthermore, it is important to pinpoint the specific implications of non-tariff measures affecting the current value network across wider Europe and their impact on the functioning of industrial clusters in the UK. Great Britain’s departure from the EU implies that specific non-tariff measures will also no longer apply to exports and imports between the remaining members of the EU and Britain. Great Britain, for example, operates as a nodal point in certain global value chains encompassing the EU-27, as well as in a number of global industries where industrial clusters have been developed in neighbouring regions. Considering the importance of UK multinational enterprises (MNEs) as drivers of internationalisation of the value chains (VCs), positive and negative effects should be more broadly assessed regarding the upcoming exit of Great Britain from Europe. This analysis, however, digs deeper into the specific non-tariff measures affecting the network of value chains in current place between the UK and the rest of the EU-27 economy, with regard to Britain’s departure from the EU.
Conclusions
Over recent years a great influx of new and emerging ethnic minority groups has become visible in Britain’s larger cities. These new business populations, coming from various overseas locations, have diversified the established structure of Britain’s ethnic minority business community. This noteworthy arrival of new entrepreneurs is expected to be a trend among many British cities. Moreover, this new business activity is taking place within the context of a wider intensive marker-led informal economy characterising an increasing number of domestic and new migrant communities (Sepulveda et al., 2008). Despite the existence of a growing body of literature addressing new so-called ‘emerging’ ethnic minority business communities (EMBCs), two fundamental interrelated dimensions of this phenomenon have been noted as still missing. The first is the lack of an explicit exploration of the variety and heterogeneity of these emerging business communities. The second is the uncertainty over the appropriate location and configuration within a part of the economy characterised by intensive informal operations.
In response EMBCs are seen to operate as a mix of formal and informal economic activity. For emerging business communities transition from informal market trading into formalised structures is often very problematic. One reason is that certain communities have been portrayed as essentially transient in nature, and consequently any necessary capital investments and other formal business development processes are perceived as inappropriate. However, in many cases economies are fundamentally market-led informal structures. In this economic context formal and informal activities are seamlessly co-located as an integral component of local economies, thereby enabling circulating networks of capital between formal enterprises and myriad informal service providers. Given that many new migrant communities become situated within these markets it is reasonable to assume that the preferred starting point for business activity is to engage in a largely market-based operation involving a whole variety of under-the-counter, rent-free and un-taxed activities, thereby ensuring a range of basic services locally provided as an intrinsic part of the market-place. This instability renders inappropriate many of the standard support, development and governance policy measures designed for artisan industries and other relocatable business models.
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